This article was taken from the January issue of Wired UK magazine. Be the first to read Wired's articles in print before they're posted online, and get your hands on loads of additional content by subscribing online
The establishment of the internet was the most important development of the 20th century in terms of providing people with more information, and more power to use that information, than ever before. The private sector, realising the opportunity, developed applications that enable people to perform complex social and commercial transactions online through websites that, for example, let us raise thousands of pounds for good causes, book multi-destination travel, or virtually try on and purchase highly cosmetic products like glasses, to name a few. But when we deal with public-sector ministries, expecting to be able to manage a student loan payment, or track the status of a parking permit, we are met with less functionality than a SodaStream.
When even basic governmental apparatus, such as online planning permission or a good-quality constituency website, look like a distant dream, it is difficult to see how those in charge can be visionary about the day-to-day politics of Westminster. Here are four products that a technologically competent government must offer us in 2010:
1 Citizens' bills powered by the web
Anyone can propose a particular bill or piece of legislation. If enough signatories are gathered, it is automatically put to an online vote, and if carried, parliament is compelled to discuss it.
There is no obligation for MPs to vote for or against the motion, but they are compelled to discuss and vote on the subject, guaranteeing that an issue that is popular cannot be ignored.
2 Blocking referendums
These function as reality checks on the personal ambitions of politicians, ensuring politics serves the long-term interests of the country rather than the short-term politics of an individual's career. After a third reading in Westminster, a bill is published online for seven days. During this period, anyone can attempt to raise a minimum threshold of 20,000 signatories online to block it.
If there is no one blocking the bill, it is enacted in the normal way. However, if there are enough signatures, the House of Commons must agree a wording for an online referendum, which must attract a minimum percentage of the whole electorate. In Switzerland this is 2.5 per cent for the result to be binding. A bill that fails to gain public support automatically lapses. One that does gain public support commands much more authority than had it not been put to the public test.
3 Automatic referendums on constitutional change
This is a protection mechanism, so that any bill proposing constitutional change - such as increasing the length of terms of parliament, or federalising powers to Europe - would automatically, on the order of the Attorney General, be put to a referendum of the people.
4 Local referendums
Exactly the same online mechanisms could be translated for use at a local level, such as forcing items on to a council's agenda, or instigating a referendum on constitutional matters - for example, the merger of two authorities.
These measures, outlined by Daniel Hannan MEP and Douglas Carswell MP in their book The Plan, will effect the single greatest transition in the way the country is governed that we as a generation will ever experience. And it is about time, firstly because the way MPs currently go about policymaking - voting from time to time using the ballot box in the House of Commons - is now outdated. Secondly, due to the whipping system, EU constraints and the power of over 1,000 quangos, MPs cannot exercise their judgement 100 per cent independently. Without the protection of a constitution or the democratic accountability that used to exist in Westminster, we must look for other ways to protect the sovereignty of parliament using the internet.
People want to be engaged in politics on a day-to-day basis, and we now have the technology to let them do that. As the late politician Keith Joseph said, "Give people responsibility and you will make them responsible." Not only will we have a much more competent and highly-respected vehicle for law-making in parliament following these changes, the very fact of holding referendums, votes and petitions online means that we will end up with a more informed and engaged public.
Jamie Murray Wells is founder and executive chairman of Glasses Direct. He has advised both Labour and the Conservatives on business issues.
Read other articles from the Rebooting Britain series - Tax people back into the cities - Teach kids to see in four dimensions - Exercise a green foreign policy - Reinvent the way we live together - Live life as a lottery - Pull the plug on broadcast regulation - Enact beta versions of new laws - Make carbon emissions hurt - Slash the universities and go virtual - Make policy using prediction markets - Transform cities into green jungles - Promote another crash - Ditch Twitter: it's dangerous for democracy - Encourage failure - Make education more flexible - Set government data (radically) free
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This article was originally published by WIRED UK
