According to Jon Lebkowsky, cofounder of EFF-Austin, the Supreme Court's decision to strike down the Communications Decency Act was great for the Internet, but horrible for his seven-year-old activist organization. "After the CDA decision, there wasn’t a lot of energy for EFF-Austin," Lebkowsky says. "Grassroots organizations are strongest when there is a demon defined."
The CDA challenge marked the first time that civil liberties activists used the Internet to reach the public, and their success provided an impressive demonstration of the medium's political potential. Online demonstrations, such as the Paint the Web Black effort of 1995, were simple, cheap, and extremely effective. But today, as Internet issues like privacy, security, and content control move into the mainstream, many small online groups feel that large organizations like the ACLU have taken over their niche. "In the post-CDA world, our role is to gather information and do research, which can then be used by larger groups that can afford to Þle expensive legal cases," says Bennett Haselton, founder of Peacefire, an online activist group for minors.
Last year Haselton, a Vanderbilt University student, revealed that Cybersitter, a popular Internet filtering program, blocked access to such sites as Mother Jones magazine, the National Organization for Women, and organizations for gay and lesbian youths. "Bennett is a good example of the effectiveness of grassroots organizing," says Jonah Seiger, an Internet consultant and former communications director for the well-heeled Center for Democracy and Technology in Washington, DC. "We wouldn’t be having a debate over blocking software if it wasn’t for Bennett."
The White House's new hands-off approach to the Net has only made things worse for small groups by intensifying the struggle to garner support. "Apathy is rampant," says Scott Brower, executive director of EFFlorida, which, like EFF-Austin, is not affiliated with the better-known San Francisco-based Electronic Frontier Foundation. "People are happy to hear we are doing this work, but when it comes to getting them to volunteer, it's difficult to get anyone to commit."
The groups that have done the best in the post-CDA climate are those that have honed in on a single, high-profile topic. NetAction, a two-person activist shop in Northern California, now focuses primarily on its campaign to "stop Microsoft from seizing control of cyberspace." Sun Microsystems, one of Microsoft's chief nemeses, gave NetAction an undisclosed sum of money last fall.
But most other grassroots groups do not have corporate sponsors. "We chose not to seek corporate dollars, because we did not feel we could compete with Washington insiders," says Shabbir J. Safdar, founder and advisory board member of the New York-based Voters Telecommunications Watch. In December Safdar stepped down as head of VTW to start an Internet consulting firm in Washington, DC, leaving the future of VTW hanging in the balance. And some activists complain that foundations consistently reject funding proposals from small groups and that most grant money for online activism is directed toward projects that help disseminate Internet technology.
Although money is definitely an issue for the small groups, the nature of online activism keeps costs low. "The Web server is our only expense, and that costs about a dollar a day," says Peacefire's Haselton. EFF-Austin supported itself for years on T-shirt sales and special book-signing parties by cofounder and SF author Bruce Sterling. And, as for all the paperwork needed to get nonprofit status for tax deductions, most haven’t gotten around to it.
When another big free-speech fight comes around, grassroots groups say they will be ready. But for now, many are looking for ways to consolidate resources. In January, EFF-Austin decided to change its name to EF-Texas, in hopes of attracting activists from other parts of the Lone Star State. "It's tough," says Lebkowsky. "Getting these guys together is like trying to organize anarchists."
This article originally appeared in the March issue of Wired magazine.
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